The Truth Behind Overseas Pro-North Korean Groups: “Elderly and Unemployed?”

[Ryu Hyun-woo’s Black Books] The Truth Behind Overseas Pro-North Korean Groups: “Elderly and Unemployed?”

Alejandro Cao de Benós, the leader of pro-North Korea group the Korea Friendship Association

Hello everyone, and welcome to Ryu Hyun-woo’s Black Books. I’m your host, Mok Yong-jae.
Last week, on the occasion of North Korea’s National Foundation Day—also known as “9.9 Day”—we discussed the duties of North Korean diplomats.

Today, we’ll be talking about the overseas pro-North Korean groups that issue statements on every major North Korean holiday. According to former Acting North Korean Ambassador to Kuwait Ryu Hyun-woo, these pro-North groups—often called friendship associations—are mostly made up of a small number of elderly or unemployed locals, rendering them largely symbolic.

They only become active when the North Korean embassy or authorities request it—essentially functioning as puppet organizations. Let’s hear more from Ryu Hyun-woo himself.

[Host] For foreign ministry officials stationed inside North Korea, not overseas, what kinds of tasks do they carry out on 9.9 Day?

[Ryu Hyun-woo] Foreign Ministry staff in North Korea participate in all domestic events organized for the occasion. There are also specific events hosted by the Ministry itself, often including friendly gatherings or sports tournaments with members of the diplomatic corps stationed in Pyongyang.

Such friendly events are typically arranged by the Foreign Ministry’s regional departments in coordination with local embassies, and are often held at the embassies or at the Taedonggang Diplomatic Club.

A lot of people need to attend these events, so crowds are pre-organized in advance.

[Host] Where does the funding for these national-level political events come from? Given North Korea’s economic situation, it seems unlikely the state can cover all the costs.

[Ryu Hyun-woo] Funding decisions start with directives from the Party’s Propaganda and Agitation Department. They designate which department is allowed to use the funds.

If money is to come from Office 39, prior consultations with Office 39 must take place. After a formal agreement is drawn up and submitted, the request is approved by Kim Jong-un before the funds are released.

From what I understand, large-scale events have become much less frequent in recent years. That’s because they require huge expenditures, and the regime can no longer afford to host them as often as it used to.

[Host] Some older North Korean defectors who resettled in South Korea recall that during such political events in the past, there were significant rations and gifts from the authorities. But these days, I assume such state-provided gifts no longer exist?

[Ryu Hyun-woo] Those defectors likely left North Korea before the “Arduous March” of the 1990s. Starting from that period, the public distribution system completely collapsed, and gifts essentially disappeared as well.

If we consider the Arduous March to span from around 1994 to 1999, there were very few official events during that time. And even when events were held, there were almost no gifts distributed to the people.

Even if there were, they would have been negligible. Some long-time defectors have asked me about Supply Centers No. 8 and No. 9 and whether they still provide gifts and supplies.

I tell them, “Those are now just legends—things of the past.”

As far as I know, they no longer exist. Even in Pyongyang, rations are handed out sporadically—so rarely that when they do appear, they’re considered gifts.

Hardly anyone in North Korea relies on the ration system anymore. Even diplomats don’t receive gifts from the authorities.

[Host] On every major North Korean political holiday, pro-North Korean organizations overseas—often called “pro-North” groups in South Korea—issue congratulatory statements or public messages. Who exactly are these groups?

[Ryu Hyun-woo] Take the Korea–Kuwait Friendship Association, for example. The president of such a group is not a government official but a civilian.

The North Korean authorities assign them a title or role. That person then gathers their friends or acquaintances and says something like, “The North Korean embassy staff want to hold a movie screening using a USB. Let’s meet at my house on such-and-such date.”

Then, someone from the North Korean embassy will bring food to share. They eat together, watch a movie—it’s that kind of informal gathering.

[Host] Do these friendship or pro-North groups act on their own initiative? And do they have significant influence in their host countries?

[Ryu Hyun-woo] No, not at all. As far as I know, there are no powerful groups among them.

For example, why would a local person in Kuwait take on the title of “President of the Korea–Kuwait Friendship Association”? Well, there are North Korean workers in Kuwait.

If that person has ties with the North Korean embassy, they might ask for help with home repairs or to get a discounted service. They’ll talk to our embassy officials, who then call the North Korean company manager or person in charge and ask for a favor.

In return, these individuals occasionally organize small events like movie screenings to maintain the relationship.

But they have no special power or influence. These are civilians who do not engage in lobbying or political work like U.S. lobbyists.

To have real influence, you’d need financial power—but who would take on the role of a North Korean friendship association president under such conditions?

[Host] So you’re saying these friendship associations don’t act voluntarily, but rather upon requests from the local North Korean embassy?

[Ryu Hyun-woo] That’s right. Sometimes, the embassy gives them a little alcohol or a small gift as thanks, and then asks them to organize an event.

In one case, there was a man over 70 years old who had been doing this sort of thing for decades. The North Korean side kept using the same person again and again because there was simply no one else willing to do it.

When this man said he was too old to continue and wanted to hand over his role, the embassy told him, “Just let us hold one or two events at your house each year—we’ll take care of everything.”

This is all about helping North Korean diplomats record achievements. These so-called friendship associations have 0.00001% influence in their host countries.

Even Alejandro Cao de Benós—a well-known pro-North activist in Spain—is unemployed. He wears a hat bearing the logo of North Korea’s Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and runs something called the “Korean Friendship Association” in Europe.

But he has no influence whatsoever in Spain or the EU. He is jobless and his personal status is murky.

He’s known to have been involved in illicit activities such as weapons trade or virtual assets linked to North Korea. He also runs “North Korea-themed” cafés to make a little money.

[Host] So ultimately, North Korea hand-picks idle or unemployed locals with no real influence to participate in pro-North events?

[Ryu Hyun-woo] Yes, that’s exactly right. It’s like gathering a group of street wanderers.

That said, in countries like China, Russia, Cuba, Iran, Syria, Vietnam, and Laos, the heads of friendship associations are sometimes government officials.

**[Host] Today, we’ve heard from former Acting Ambassador Ryu Hyun-woo about the true identity of pro-North Korean groups operating overseas. Aside from North Korea’s core allies, most of these friendship groups consist of just a handful of idle individuals—what in Korea we call a “hanryang,” someone with nothing better to do.

It’s a sad reality for North Korean diplomats, who must rely on these toothless organizations just to produce measurable results. Thank you again, Ambassador Ryu, for joining us today.**

To read the original Korean article, click here: https://www.rfa.org/korean/weekly_program/b958d604c6b0c758-be14b7995317c2a4/blackbox-09112024080945.html

#ProNorthKorean #Jobless #DPRK